U Aung Htoo, General Secretary of Burma Lawyers' Council said exclusively about why UNSC should declare junta's sham 2008 constitution as NU

U Aung Htoo, General Secretary of Burma Lawyers' Council said exclusively about why UNSC should declare junta's sham 2008 constitution as NULL & VOID.

He said that the resolution came out from the FBE conference could be effective because we are trying to do with the issues of 2008 Constitution and 2010 Elections and impunity issues together.

The main point is that the constitution itself will be internal affairs. That's why we can say that, generally constitution issue is within the scope of the sovereignty of the state.

But what is particular, what is difference from other constitution throughout the world is that that 2008 constitution gurantee the impunity for the crimes happened in the past. It's against the international law.

If we highlight that points from the aspect of international law and international human rights law with reference to the experience of the South Africa in 1983.

Because in 1984, United Nations Security Council made a resolution on South Africa's 1983 constitution and UN Security Council declared it as NULL and VOID.

Because it is to be practiced the constitution of south africa will revoke. That's why it is quite important.

Many countries in European Union would like to focus on the economic interest. It is quite difficult for our movement.

What we want to give the message to European Union is that we don't have any objection about their will to take advantage of of the economic interest. But they also need to consider the situation of our people inside Burma.

We don't object their interest in the economic benefit, but at the same time, they need to consider the interest of the people from the aspect of human rights and democracy.

If we can go together on that issue, I think we can expect the support of the European Union.

If there is no reform in 2008 constitution, the next step will be, I think, two things. One is that even at the present time, the regime is facing hardships and difficulties.

Because they are trying to implement the 2008 constitution even though they are facing hardships. We believe that If the regime continues to implement 2008 constitution in practice after 2010 election they will face more and more hardships and difficulties.

For example, one provision provided that all the political parties shall have the objectives for the unity of the ethinc nationalities and and non disintegration of the union like that. They set objectives.

No constitution gurantee like that. Political parties shall have the rights to set their own objectives.

But in 2008 constitution political parties shall have these kind of objectives, already set it.

They will face the constitutional crisis, the regime themselves and we will continue asking for the UN Security Council to declare that 2008 constitution as NULL & VOID.

One day we will achieve our objectives.

U Aung Htoo, General Secretary of Burma Lawyers' Council said exclusively about why UNSC should declare junta's sham 2008 constitution as NU

U Aung Htoo, General Secretary of Burma Lawyers' Council said exclusively about why UNSC should declare junta's sham 2008 constitution as NULL & VOID.

He said that the resolution came out from the FBE conference could be effective because we are trying to do with the issues of 2008 Constitution and 2010 Elections and impunity issues together.

The main point is that the constitution itself will be internal affairs. That's why we can say that, generally constitution issue is within the scope of the sovereignty of the state.

But what is particular, what is difference from other constitution throughout the world is that that 2008 constitution gurantee the impunity for the crimes happened in the past. It's against the international law.

If we highlight that points from the aspect of international law and international human rights law with reference to the experience of the South Africa in 1983.

Because in 1984, United Nations Security Council made a resolution on South Africa's 1983 constitution and UN Security Council declared it as NULL and VOID.

Because it is to be practiced the constitution of south africa will revoke. That's why it is quite important.

Many countries in European Union would like to focus on the economic interest. It is quite difficult for our movement.

What we want to give the message to European Union is that we don't have any objection about their will to take advantage of of the economic interest. But they also need to consider the situation of our people inside Burma.

We don't object their interest in the economic benefit, but at the same time, they need to consider the interest of the people from the aspect of human rights and democracy.

If we can go together on that issue, I think we can expect the support of the European Union.

If there is no reform in 2008 constitution, the next step will be, I think, two things. One is that even at the present time, the regime is facing hardships and difficulties.

Because they are trying to implement the 2008 constitution even though they are facing hardships. We believe that If the regime continues to implement 2008 constitution in practice after 2010 election they will face more and more hardships and difficulties.

For example, one provision provided that all the political parties shall have the objectives for the unity of the ethinc nationalities and and non disintegration of the union like that. They set objectives.

No constitution gurantee like that. Political parties shall have the rights to set their own objectives.

But in 2008 constitution political parties shall have these kind of objectives, already set it.

They will face the constitutional crisis, the regime themselves and we will continue asking for the UN Security Council to declare that 2008 constitution as NULL & VOID.

One day we will achieve our objectives.

U Aung Htoo, General Secretary of Burma Lawyers' Council said exclusively about why UNSC should declare junta's sham 2008 constitution as NU

U Aung Htoo, General Secretary of Burma Lawyers' Council said exclusively about why UNSC should declare junta's sham 2008 constitution as NULL & VOID.

He said that the resolution came out from the FBE conference could be effective because we are trying to do with the issues of 2008 Constitution and 2010 Elections and impunity issues together.

The main point is that the constitution itself will be internal affairs. That's why we can say that, generally constitution issue is within the scope of the sovereignty of the state.

But what is particular, what is difference from other constitution throughout the world is that that 2008 constitution gurantee the impunity for the crimes happened in the past. It's against the international law.

If we highlight that points from the aspect of international law and international human rights law with reference to the experience of the South Africa in 1983.

Because in 1984, United Nations Security Council made a resolution on South Africa's 1983 constitution and UN Security Council declared it as NULL and VOID.

Because it is to be practiced the constitution of south africa will revoke. That's why it is quite important.

Many countries in European Union would like to focus on the economic interest. It is quite difficult for our movement.

What we want to give the message to European Union is that we don't have any objection about their will to take advantage of of the economic interest. But they also need to consider the situation of our people inside Burma.

We don't object their interest in the economic benefit, but at the same time, they need to consider the interest of the people from the aspect of human rights and democracy.

If we can go together on that issue, I think we can expect the support of the European Union.

If there is no reform in 2008 constitution, the next step will be, I think, two things. One is that even at the present time, the regime is facing hardships and difficulties.

Because they are trying to implement the 2008 constitution even though they are facing hardships. We believe that If the regime continues to implement 2008 constitution in practice after 2010 election they will face more and more hardships and difficulties.

For example, one provision provided that all the political parties shall have the objectives for the unity of the ethinc nationalities and and non disintegration of the union like that. They set objectives.

No constitution gurantee like that. Political parties shall have the rights to set their own objectives.

But in 2008 constitution political parties shall have these kind of objectives, already set it.

They will face the constitutional crisis, the regime themselves and we will continue asking for the UN Security Council to declare that 2008 constitution as NULL & VOID.

One day we will achieve our objectives.

Shan leader ‘losing hair and weight’

Shan leader ‘losing hair and weight’

Feb 9, 2010 (DVB)–A senior member of the Shan political party that came second in the 1990 Burma elections is reportedly in declining health, five years into a 79-year prison sentence.

Family members of 66-year-old Sai Hla Aung reported the details to the Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD) after visiting him in the remote Kyaukphyu prison in Burma’s western Arakan state.
Conditions in Kyaukphyu are said to be poor, and like many prisons in Burma, access to medical assistance is sporadic, and often only achievable through bribes.
The reports coincide with news that National League for Democracy (NLD) member Myo Kyaw Zin and 88 Generation Students’ leader Aung Thu, who are serving lengthy sentences in Putao prison in Burma’s far-north Kachin state, were tortured and placed in solitary confinement after complaining to authorities that one had been kept in shackles for five weeks.
Sai Hla Aung, along with SNLD chairperson Khun Htun Oo and five others, were arrested in February 2005 after convening a meeting to discuss political transition in Burma. Khun Htun Oo is serving a 93-year sentence.
“[Sai Hla Aung]’s family has left from Kyauk Phyu after hearing that he is in pretty bad health; apparently he is losing hair and his body weight dropped to 120lbs from 160lbs,” said Sai Lek, spokesperson for the SNLD. “We heard he is also having sores on his arms and legs.”
He added that other detained Shan leaders were also in bad health, including Khun Htun Oo, SNLD secretary Sai Nyunt, and former Shan State Army-North (SSA-N) chief, General Hso Ten, who is serving a 106-year sentence.
He also said that their families were unable to pay regular visits due their detention in remote places, and that insufficient medical assistance in prisons has made the situation worse.
“It would be good if the International Committee of the Red Cross [ICRC] or doctors were allowed to go into the prisons for medical check-ups.” The ICRC was banned from visiting prisoners in Burma in 2005.
“Also the Shan leaders, if they are not to be released soon, should be moved to prisons [with better accessible transportation], such as [Rangoon’s] Insein prison.”
Meanwhile, the mother of another political inmate in Putao prison, Myo Min Zaw said he has been suffering from respiratory problems, which have led to nose bleeds, and needs medical assistance.
And in other news, three NLD members, Shwe Gyo, Sein Hlaing and Ma Cho, who were recently handed three-year prison terms have been transferred to remote prisons, their families said.

http://english.dvb.no/news.php?id=3291

BURMA DEMOCRATIC CONCERN

BURMA DEMOCRATIC CONCERN

BURMA HISTORY
Burma Humans lived in Burma as early as 11,000 years ago, the oldest of which is probably the Mon or the Pyu. In the 9th century the Bamar people migrated from the then China-Tibet border region into the valley of the Irrawaddy. By 849, they had founded a powerful kingdom centred on the city of Pagan. King Anawrahta (1044-77) successfully unified all of Burma. Mons adopted Theravada Buddhism and founded kingdoms in Lower Burma in the 6th or 7th century. In 1289, the Mongols captured most of the Pagan Empire, including its capital, and ended the dynasty.
After the collapse of Pagan authority, Burma was divided. A Bamar Ava Dynasty (1364–527) was eventually established at the city of Ava by 1364, and was overrun by the Shan in 1527. King Mingyinyo founded the First Toungoo Dynasty (1486–1599) at Toungoo, towards the end of the Ava dynasty. After Shan invaded Ava in 1527 many Bamars migrated to Toungoo which became a new centre for Burmese rule. King Tabinshwehti (1531-50) and Bayinnaung (1551-81), unified Burma again. The Toungoo rulers founded a second dynasty at Ava, (1597–1752). In 1613 King Anaukpetlun, decisively defeated Portuguese attempts to take over Burma.
Alaungpaya founded the Konbaung Dynasty, and bring Burma to unite together. King Hsinbyushin (1763-76) had conquered to Ayutthaya (Siam) in 1766 and successfully repulsed four Chinese invasions between 1766 and 1769. In January 1824, during the reign of King Bagyidaw (1819-37), a Burmese general Maha Bandula succeeded in conquering Assam, bringing Burma face to face with British interests in India.
The First Anglo-Burmese War (1824-26) ended in a British victory, and by the Treaty of Yandabo, Burma lost territory previously conquered in Assam, Manipur, Arakan and Tenasserim. In 1852, British provoked a naval confrontation and thus started the Second Anglo-Burmese War, which ended in the British annexation of Pegu province, renamed Lower Burma. Britain accused King Thibaw (1878–85) was a tyrant intending to side with the French, and declared war once again in 1885, conquering the remainder of the country in the Third Anglo-Burmese War resulting in total annexation of Burma.
Britain made Burma a province of India in 1886 with the capital at Rangoon. Traditional Burmese society was drastically altered by the demise of the monarchy and the separation of religion and state. Though war officially ended after only a couple of weeks, resistance continued in northern Burma until 1890, with the British finally resorting to a systematic destruction of villages and appointment of new officials to finally halt all guerrilla activity.

BURMA DEMOCRATIC CONCERN

Burma Democratic Concern (BDC)

A biography of Aung San Suu Kyi

AUNG SAN SUU KYI, Burma's Legitimate Leader

Aung San Suu Kyi once said that “It is even appropriate or justified for the international community carries out the responsibility to intervene in the internal affairs of another country whose power are creating hell for the population. The international community as a whole should recognise that it has got responsibilities. It can’t ignore grave injustices that are going on within the borders of any particular country.”

As a courageous political leader under the military rule, she travelled through out the country in 1989 and campaigned against the military rule for the future of Burma and then junta put her under house arrest. But her party, National League for Democracy, won landslide in May election of 1990 but junta ignores to honour it.

In August and September of 2007, the public and the Buddhist monks organized peaceful rally against the regime's decision to higher up the patrol price because this decision created more economic hardship to the public. However, the Army and pro-junta groups suppressed the rally brutally and arrested thousands of activists, including Buddhist monks and prominent student leaders.

“If this country is to achieve genuine democracy, the result of the elections of 1990 must be recognized. It must be recognized by the military regime, as it has been recognized by the people, and by the world at large. It is through this recognition that we will be able to make genuine progress in Burma. The results of the 1990 General Elections must be implemented is a resolution already taken by the United Nations. We already know that the General Assembly of the United Nations has accepted the notion that the will of the people has been expressed in the 1990 General Elections. This is something we can not abandon. It will be to the detriment of our country if after an election has been held the results are not honoured and we do not resist attempts to trivialise it”, Aung San Suu Kyi insists.

However, the genuine dialogue hasn't taken place yet. At the same, the regime go ahead it's seven-steps road map unilaterally. Regime conducted sham referendum in May 2008 for the constitution which is drawn by its hand-picked representatives for 14 years long and declared that new election will be held in 2010.

Aung San Suu Kyi, Mohandas Gandhi of BURMA, turned 64 on June 19, 2009 inside Burma's notorious Insein Prison. Military regime repeatedly extended her detention and she spent 14 of last 20 years under house arrest. Since junta did not want to release her when illegal 6 years detention was about to complete, junta plotted the ploy to imprison her.

Ruling junta who suppress the Burma today knows very well that all the justice loving people are standing behind her and so junta is using dirty tricks in order to silence Aung San Suu Kyi by planning to lock her behind bars indefinitely.

Aung San Suu Kyi is not only the icon of the Burmese people's struggle for freedom but also the symbol of non-violent movement in the world at large. We salute her courage and sacrifices for the sake of oppressed people.

Aung San Suu Kyi gives us hope, confidence and faith in our aspiration for democracy.

Junta claimed that it will hand over power after 1990 elections but when Aung San Suu Kyi's party NLD won landslide victory, they ignore to transfer power. In order to nullify 1990 election result, junta planned to hold sham election in 2010 which is designed to legitimize military rule in Burma.

Aung San Suu Kyi MUST be the Prime Minister of Burma as the leader of the winning party according to the results of the 1990 general election; instead military regime put her under house arrest and intensified crack down on her supporters.

In Burma, power is centred on the ruling junta which maintains strict authoritarian rule over the people of Burma. Under the illegitimate military regime, people of Burma are suffering very tremendously.

To find the solution for Burma crisis by political means, Aung San Suu Kyi is always calling for genuine dialogue. She said that “Burma is made up of many ethnic peoples, and unless there is freedom to discuss, to negotiate, to find common values, we shall never make any progress towards genuine peace in our country. So for the sake of peace in our country, for the sake of the progress and human development of our people, and for the sake of peace and harmony in our region and in our world, we would like to urge the peoples of the free world to work harder towards bringing true democratic progress everywhere. We would like to see action, rather than words. There have been many words supporting democracy, and we are duly grateful for them, because we do not underestimate the power of words. But words need to be backed up by action — by action that is united and that is focused on essentials. Only by such action will we be able to realize our democratic aspirations”.

Burma crisis is in pivotal state. Junta will definitely deliver the verdict by saying Aung San Suu Kyi is found guilty and will imprison her another 5 more years. This is a ploy to imprison Aung San Suu Kyi since junta wanted to lock Aung San Suu Kyi in jail forever as their rigged 2010 election plan is drawing nearer in which they are setting up everything to win their backed party.

Junta’s planned 2010 election is designed to legitimised military rule in Burma. To pave the way to smooth for their rigged 2010 election plan, junta continue imprisoning democracy activists, plotting the ploy to imprison Aung San Suu Kyi and doing everything they can to nullify 1990 election results. Aung San Suu Kyi is victim of injustice.

In Burma, there is no rule of law and junta is always above the law. Aung San Suu Kyi was elected by the citizens of Burma in the 1990 General Election. Ironically that election was conducted by the same generals who suppress Burma today.

International Community musn’t just expresses hollow words of concern and allows the perpetrators to get away with impunity. Words must be backed up by actions-applying united and coordinated pressure through United Nations Security Council to force junta to come to dialogue table and to free Aung San Suu Kyi along with thousands of political prisoners.

We want the world citizens to know that Burmese people have been suffering under a brutal military dictatorship for more than half century. During which thousands of people lost their lives, thousands have been imprisoned and thousands were forced to flee for their lives while seeking refuge around the world.

The People of Burma look to the world leaders in an effort to seek intervention from more than 50 years of a ruthless military dictatorship. We call for world leaders to take concrete immediate collective actions to free Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma.

Now is the time. Every actions, every voices and every words count. Please get involved to work collectively to free Aung San Suu Kyi and to restore justice in Burma.

http://www.bdcburma.org

Ministerial Statement on Burma-
http://ping.fm/pMe6S

Source: Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID); Government of Australia
Date: 08 Feb 2010

MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS
STEPHEN SMITH

Mr Deputy Speaker.

I wish to update the House on developments in Burma.

On 4 January, Burma’s Independence Day, Burmese Senior General Than Shwe announced that plans were under way to conduct elections in Burma this year.

Elections have long been foreshadowed under the Burmese military’s so-called ‘Roadmap to Democracy’.

If elections do take place, they will be the first in Burma in 20 years.

This year will, therefore, be an important one for Burma, and an important one for the international community’s engagement with Burma.

Australia has long been appalled both by the Burmese military’s suppression of the democratic aspirations of the Burmese people and by its disrespect for their human rights.

It is worthwhile recalling some important events in this longstanding suppression.

A military regime, in some form, has ruled Burma since 1962, nearly 50 years.

We recall the bloody put down of pro-democracy protests in 1988, just over 20 years ago.

Since 1988 Australia has had in place visa restrictions against senior members of the Burmese regime and their associates and supporters.

Following the failure to implement the outcome of the 1990 elections, in 1991 Australia introduced a ban on defence exports to Burma.

This is a ban on the export to Burma of controlled goods as listed on the Defence and Strategic Goods List.

In October 2007, financial sanctions were introduced in response to the violent crackdown on democracy protesters.

These various sanctions – travel sanctions, defence sanctions and financial sanctions – have the common purpose of exerting pressure on Burma’s military regime.

At the same time, Australia has recognised that engaging the Burmese authorities serves important national, regional and international interests.

We live in the same region. Through regional forums like the ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conference, the ASEAN Regional Forum and the Bali Process on People Smuggling, Human Trafficking and Transnational Crime, Australia has had the opportunity to engage Burma on challenges like counter-narcotics, trafficking in people, disaster relief and pandemic disease.

As well, Australia has for many years sought to help the Burmese people through a program of humanitarian assistance targeting the most vulnerable.

This program, now worth nearly $30 million in 2009-10, assists with fighting infectious diseases such as avian influenza, HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis; provides food aid and agricultural expertise to alleviate rural poverty; protects displaced people; and supports children to attend and remain in primary school.

ASEAN, through its humanitarian work in Burma after Cyclone Nargis, has been vital in facilitating assistance from Australia and members of the international community to the Burmese people.

Common membership of regional organisations also allows us at Ministerial level to directly advocate democratic reform and national reconciliation – as I did when I met my counterpart Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win during the ASEAN-related meetings in Thailand in July 2009.

Mr Deputy Speaker.

On 12 August 2009 I addressed the House on Burma after Aung San Suu Kyi’s conviction on spurious charges, leading to her ongoing house arrest.

I set out then that Aung San Suu Kyi’s sentence effectively removed the prospect of her participation in any proposed 2010 elections and would detract from the credibility of those elections.

Since that time, there have been a number of important developments both within Burma and in the international community’s approach to Burma.

On 17 September 2009 the Burmese authorities released 128 political prisoners in an amnesty. This was a welcome, tentative step in the right direction.

Repression however continues.

On 31 December, 15 activists were sentenced to up to 71 years imprisonment each. There regrettably remain close to 2000 political prisoners in Burma, including Aung San Suu Kyi.

Australia again calls on Burma’s authorities to release them and allow them to participate fully and freely in the upcoming elections.

In September 2009, in the margins of the United Nations General Assembly, I joined ten other Foreign Ministers and United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon in a Ministerial-level meeting of the Secretary-General’s Group of Friends of Myanmar.

The participation in this meeting was evidence both of the international community’s desire to see progress in Burma and of its willingness to both work together and with the Secretary General towards this end.

At the meeting, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon identified three areas for future unity of purpose and action:

First, to urge Burma to work with the United Nations to ensure an inclusive process of dialogue and create the conditions for credible elections.

Second, to uphold the role of the United Nations in Burma.

And third, to signal the international community’s willingness to help the people of Burma, but noting that Burma’s military regime needed to respond to international concerns in order for this to occur.

My visit to New York for the General Assembly coincided with the announcement of the United States policy review on Burma.

The United States Administration concluded that a sanctions-only policy to isolate Burma’s military has not worked and that future US policy would combine engagement, appropriate sanctions and humanitarian assistance.

US Secretary of State Clinton said that any debate that pits sanctions against engagement created a false choice, and that the international community would need to employ both of these tools.

Australia has welcomed this approach, as has the international community generally.

As to developments within Burma, on 25 September 2009 Aung San Suu Kyi wrote to Senior General Than Shwe offering to work with the Burmese authorities on the withdrawal of international sanctions, and asking to meet representatives of the European Union, the United States and Australia.

The fact that Australia was one of these three was significant and reflects the longstanding interest Australians have in Burma.

The authorities agreed to this request.

On 9 October 2009 Australia’s Chargé d’Affaires, together with the UK Ambassador and the US Chargé d’Affaires, met Aung San Suu Kyi in Rangoon.

The meeting was the first opportunity for a substantive discussion between an Australian representative and Aung San Suu Kyi since February 2003.

Australia’s Chargé conveyed a message from the Prime Minister which expressed the support of the Australian Government and the people of Australia for Aung San Suu Kyi and her struggle for democracy in Burma.

This was warmly welcomed by Aung San Suu Kyi.

Australia welcomed the subsequent visit to Burma in early November by United States Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell and the meetings he held with the Burmese authorities, with Aung San Suu Kyi and with representatives of a number of ethnic minorities.

Aung San Suu Kyi wrote further to Senior General Than Shwe on 11 November 2009 requesting contact with her party’s Central Executive Committee.

In response to her request, she was permitted to meet three of the Central Executive Committee’s elders, including Chairman U Aung Shwe, on 16 December 2009.

Australia hopes that a meeting with the full Executive will take place soon.

This is the first substantial contact which Aung San Suu Kyi has had with the leadership of the National League for Democracy since 2007, and is warmly welcomed by the Australian Government as essential to democratic and political progress in Burma.

Australia hopes these initial engagements between Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese authorities and the international community are the beginning of a process of genuine dialogue.

Elections

Mr Deputy Speaker.

The Burmese authorities have embarked on the so-called ‘Roadmap to Democracy’, a strictly controlled process of potential political change.

It was a matter of great regret that they pushed ahead with a constitutional referendum, the fourth step in their Roadmap, in the midst of the disaster of Cyclone Nargis in May 2008.

That referendum was a regrettable sham.

Not surprisingly, political parties in Burma, including the National League for Democracy, and parties representing ethnic groups, are carefully considering whether to participate in the 2010 elections.

Burma’s authorities have an opportunity to engage the people, to ensure the full and free participation in the elections of the Burmese opposition, nascent political parties, and ethnic groups.

For Burma’s longer-term stability and security, the coming political process needs to address the concerns of the country’s diverse ethnic minority groups.

While, of course, given the history of these matters, there are long standing reservations, Australia will not pre-judge the process and the outcome of these elections.

Australia urges Burma’s authorities to seize this opportunity to genuinely move their country forward.

Development Assistance

Mr Deputy Speaker.

Australia has long provided humanitarian assistance to Burma.

In the 2009-10 Budget, the Government allocated nearly $30 million in humanitarian assistance, a significant increase in base funding over the previous year.

This will help address the pressing needs of the Burmese people.

Half of Burma’s almost 50 million people live in extreme poverty.

Child mortality rates are among the highest in the world.

Decades of military rule have eroded civil society and civilian institutions.

Skills have been lost and infrastructure has deteriorated.

At some stage into the future, Burma will have a civilian Government, which will face great challenges.

At some stage into the future, the regional and international community will be asked to help in the rebuilding of Burma’s economic and social structures.

Australia’s view therefore is that the international community help prepare Burma for the future.

Burma’s capacity cannot be allowed to completely atrophy to the ultimate disadvantage and cost of its people.

The international community needs to start the rebuilding now.

This is not a reward for Burma’s military, but a recognition of the immense task faced by current and future generations of Burmese.

At around $4 per head per annum, international aid to Burma is less than a tenth of that received by Cambodia and a sixteenth of that received by Laos.

Australia will accordingly increase its assistance to Burma over the next three years to around $50 million annually, a 40 per cent increase.

Alleviating humanitarian needs will remain an important goal and focus of this expenditure.

But the Government has decided that Australia’s program will also include capacity building elements, addressing the long-term challenges facing the Burmese people.

This will involve carefully targeted interaction in areas of great need like health, education and agriculture.

Our assistance will continue to be delivered in partnership with international organisations, such as UN agencies, ASEAN, other donor nations and non-government organisations.

We will expand existing initiatives in basic health care, including child and maternal health. We will work to improve the delivery of basic health services by equipping health clinics, training nurses, health care staff and administrators and providing better community health education and information.

At the village level, we will assist primary health care workers, including midwives, with critical training and medical supplies to help arrest the decline in health outcomes for vulnerable and isolated people.

We will continue to support the delivery of vital treatment, prevention and screening services for HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria, including through the Three Diseases Fund supported by Australia, the European Commission, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and the United Kingdom. The Fund aims to reduce these three diseases in Burma.

We will also address critical water, sanitation and hygiene needs through:

the construction and rehabilitation of ponds and wells;

building latrines for community schools and rural health centres; and

working to provide equitable access to clean water.

In 2008-09 Australia’s assistance contributed to the basic education of over 400,000 children in Burma. We will increase our support to enable more poor and disadvantaged children to go to primary school.

Australian assistance will improve teaching and mentoring skills, both in the classroom and at home. Working closely with United Nations agencies, Non Government Organisations (NGOs) and other donors, we will support training programs for early childhood development workers, primary teachers and township education officials.

We will also continue to support vulnerable communities in the Irrawaddy Delta to restore their crop and fishing businesses, and in other areas of protracted need such as northern Rakhine State where the situation of the Rohingyas is very dire.

Australia will provide $20 million over the next four years to assist poor communities in Burma to:

improve access to credit, seeds, and tools;

provide training in small enterprise;

help farmers diversify their production and gain access to markets.

I have also asked the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and AusAID to explore a scholarship scheme for Burma.

Australia will liaise with partners such as the European Union, Germany, Japan, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea, Singapore, the United Kingdom and the United States, all of whom have scholarship schemes for Burma, to learn from their experience.

It is proposed that a new scholarship scheme will target Burmese with the potential to build civil society and improve service delivery, including in health, education and agriculture.

As a start, 10 postgraduate scholarships and short term professional development placements will be made available, beginning in 2010-11.

We will work with the UN to carefully identify suitable candidates.

This assistance will be in addition to Australia’s significant contribution for relief and recovery efforts following Cyclone Nargis in May 2008.

Australia’s post-Nargis assistance continues to be delivered through effective and trusted aid partners such as the United Nations and Australian NGOs and includes:

agricultural inputs to help farmers restore their crops and livestock;
helping fishermen by providing nets and repairing boats;
repairing over 1,200 damaged schools and providing books and materials for over 360,000 children;
reducing disease risk by constructing 50,000 latrines and providing one million mosquito nets; and
supplies and shelter for vulnerable communities.

Burma is a difficult operating environment, but the collective experience in Burma over many years shows we can deliver assistance effectively to improve the lives of ordinary Burmese without benefiting the military authorities.
Sanctions

Mr Deputy Speaker.

Australia urges Burma’s military to respond positively to Aung San Suu Kyi’s recent offer to work towards the lifting of international sanctions.

Such a positive response would help make meaningful progress towards democratic reform, respect for human rights, and national dialogue and reconciliation.

Until we see significant change from Burma’s authorities, the Australian Government will maintain a policy of targeted financial sanctions.

We agree with US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s observation that to lift sanctions now would send the wrong signal.

However, an expansion of sanctions at this time would send a confusing signal.

In view of the nascent discussions between the authorities and Aung San Suu Kyi, I have decided that sanctions should not be expanded at this time.

As a result, the sanctions list I announced in October 2008 will remain in operation for the present.

Diplomacy

Mr Speaker.

I earlier referred to my discussions on Burma in New York in September 2009.

These discussions again revealed the region’s and the international community’s great frustration with the Burmese authorities’ treatment of the political opposition, their self-imposed isolation, and the circumstances of the Burmese people.

My discussions also revealed that the international community is increasingly prepared to draw on a wide range of diplomatic tools, including both sanctions and engagement, to press for change in Burma.

Neither Australia nor the international community should however have any illusions that progress in Burma will be quick or easy.

Australia will continue to work closely with ASEAN and its member countries, including by continuing to support ASEAN’s much-needed humanitarian efforts in Burma.

We will cooperate closely with the United States as it pursues greater engagement with Burma, and with other major donors like the United Kingdom, to ensure our combined assistance does the greatest amount of good for the Burmese people.

We will also continue to support the work of the United Nations and the Secretary General.

We endorse UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s call for the international community to support UN efforts to promote respect for human rights, inclusive political dialogue and development in Burma.

Australia strongly supported the role of Ibrahim Gambari as the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative on Burma. His term concluded at the beginning of this year, and we look forward to working closely with his successor.

Conclusion

Mr Deputy Speaker.

Australia and the international community stand ready to assist Burma.

But it is not a one way street.

Australia urges the Burmese authorities to respond in good faith both to international engagement and to Aung San Suu Kyi’s recent approach to it on sanctions and on dialogue.

In moving towards dialogue and genuine national reconciliation, Burma’s authorities can end their isolation.

Australia has always considered the Burmese people our friends.

When Cyclone Nargis struck, Australia responded generously, despite our political differences with the Burmese authorities.

That was the right decision then, and it is the right decision now, together with the international community, to do more for the long-term future of Burma’s people.

Mock Tribunal to Highlight Crimes against Women in Burma

8 February 2010: An event planned for March 2nd in New York will be highlighting state-organized crimes against women in Burma. Deliberately planned to coincide with the meeting of United Nations Commission on the Status of Women in New York, the event is aimed at raising international awareness of the plight of women, as well as, the ongoing crises in Burma.

Spearheaded by the Nobel Women’s Initiative in conjunction with the Women League of Burma (WLB), the event will showcase a mock trial in which members of Burma’s ruling military regime will be made to answer for their crimes against women in Burma.

A mock trial, the “International Tribunal on Crimes against Women of Burma” will be performed by eminent judges, including the Nobel laureates, and women representatives from Burma who will provide testimonies from personal experiences of having lived through a range of human rights abuses under the military regime.

Designed to support existing calls for an indictment of Burma’s ruling military regime for War Crimes and Crime against Humanity under the auspices of the UN Security Council, the mock trial will feature expert testimonies, as well as, real time accounts of women victims on how Burma’s ruling military regime and its security apparatus systematically committed crimes against women.

The mock Tribunal will also hear witness testimonies via video from Burmese women currently sheltering in neighboring countries on a range of state-orchestrated violations, including rape, trafficking, arbitrary arrest and detention, forced labor, portering and forced relocation.

The Nobel Women’s Initiative is an organization founded by five Nobel Peace laureates in 2006 to advance the cause of women around the world. Detained Burma’s opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, the 1991 Nobel Peace laureate, is an honorary member of the group.

The planned event adds momentum to existing international efforts to have the United Nations Security Council establish a special Commission of Inquiry to investigate serious breach of human rights in Burma.

An independent investigation by the Harvard Law School’s International Human Rights Clinic concluded in May last year that based on the UN own documents, there might be enough evidence to prosecute Burma’s military regime for War Crimes and Crime against Humanity under international law.

Parliamentarians from several countries have since signed petitions calling for an international investigation into state-sanctioned crimes in Burma.

Chinland Guardian